To break out of its housing problems, Massachusetts leaders need to call out NIMBYism for what it is: a pox on our economy and society. iStock photo

Gov. Maura Healey rolled out her long-awaited housing plan last week, and, as she had signaled, it was big.

The $4.1 billion housing bond bill proposed by the governor is more than double the last bond bill passed under the Baker administration in 2018.

It includes hundreds of millions of dollars in tax incentives and sweeteners to spur construction of tens of thousands of new homes and apartments, and a hefty $1.6 billion to repair crumbling public housing units.

But while money helps, money alone won’t solve the housing crisis.

It is in the red tape, often on the local level and at times on the state level as well, where some of most daunting obstacles to building more housing can be found.

Suburbs from the Boston area to Seattle have used restrictive zoning codes, septic regulations, health codes – you name it – to block new apartment and condominium buildings and smaller, more reasonably priced single-family houses and townhomes.

Local officials, in turn, cite the same litany of reasons as they block new housing from getting built, from often-overblown concerns that school costs will go up to increased traffic and even higher police and fire budgets.

Healey’s plan takes another important step in reforming zoning, allowing granny flats – accessory dwelling units in the current jargon – to be more easily built on single-family lots in all cities and towns across the state. The proposal would also nix ridiculous rules some local officials have imposed on ADUs, such as barring anyone but the family or relatives from living in them.

In another move, the governor’s bill would eliminate the required two-thirds vote threshold to approve on even more zoning issues. This would kick into gear when local officials want to require housing developers to include a certain number of affordable apartments or condos.

However, Healey’s proposal shies away from any sweeping reform of other egregious local zoning barriers blocking new homes and apartments.

Gov. Maura Healey, right, and Lt. Gov. Kim Driscoll, second from right, stand with housing advocates, business leaders and state officials at an Oct. 18 press conference announcing a $4.1 billion housing funding and policy bill. Photo by James Sanna | Banker & Tradesman Staff

Falls Short of Other States

Conspicuously absent: A proposal by Abundant Housing Massachusetts and other groups that would extend the MBTA Communities law across the state.

That, in turn, would open the way for new apartment and condo buildings near transportation hubs across the state, not just in the MBTA’s service area in Greater Boston.

Healey’s housing plan also falls short of some of the more far-reaching actions some other states and cities have taken to rein in out-of-control local permitting bureaucracies and boost housing production.

California has passed legislation legalizing not just granny flats, , but also duplexes on single-family lots, while letting many single-family properties become quiet three-families with a 1,200-square-foot accessory dwelling unit and a 500-square-foot “junior ADU.”

Minneapolis took one of the boldest steps of all in 2020, replacing single-family zoning through the city with three-family zoning and opening the door to more multifamily development along many secondary streets.

Yet even zoning reform, however bold and well-targeted, won’t be enough to bring housing construction back to the higher levels of the 1960s, ’70s and ’80s, when supply was much closer to meeting demand.

Use the Bully Pulpit

NIMBY resistance to new housing of any type has been metastasizing for decades now in the U.S.

Home prices began to outpace inflation in the 1980s at the same time wage growth started to come under pressure and companies began to jettison pension plans.

As home prices spiraled, real estate became much more of a key financial asset for the American middle class than it had been before.

And homeowners, in turn, became more inclined to oppose any new construction they believed might hurt the value of their largest asset, killing projects, which reduced supply while keeping prices rising and setting a vicious, multi-generation cycle churning.

Scott Van Voorhis

What’s needed now is political leadership and vision. And that means elected leaders willing to call out NIMBY selfishness and make the case for both a healthier real estate market and a happier society.

Healey gets points for making clear she gets how big a deal the dysfunction in the housing market is to people across Massachusetts from all walks of life.

“We know that housing is the single biggest challenge facing folks across Massachusetts,” Healey said at last Wednesday’s rollout of her housing bill. “This is going to be legislation that will make our state more affordable for everyone. It’s going to help us meet our climate goals… It’s really, really big.”

Yet everybody and their brother at this point knows the housing market in Massachusetts, and Greater Boston in particular, is a miserable mess. The governor wasn’t exactly breaking any new ground there.

Healey has the bully pulpit and she must use it. That means calling out our ingrained anti-housing attitudes and NIMBY nihilism for what they are: a pox on both our economy and the very fabric of our society.

At the end of the day, we are all in this together. We are the commonwealth of Massachusetts. We can do great things together.

But it is up to Healey to lead the way.

Scott Van Voorhis is Banker & Tradesman’s columnist; opinions expressed are his own. He may be reached at sbvanvoorhis@hotmail.com.